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A Case Study on Trianon

Hodža-Bartha demarcation line
The latter tried to secure Slovakia for Hungary, while Hodza's task was to make Slovakia safe for Czecho-Slovakia. The country was still in the throes of revolution, the situation was uncertain and fluid, and Hodza and Jaszi may not have realized that the center of gravity was Paris, not Budapest or Prague, and that the victors would, eventually, make binding decisions.

In the agreement of November 27 that Hodza made with Jaszi, the latter was willing to give Slovaks an autonomous status, that is administrative and police powers within Slovakia if that province would remain within the confines of the Hungarian state. The administrative self-government would be vested in the Slovak National Council. The two parties, however, had some doubts about the feasibility of an arrangement by which the Slovaks would have control over schools and internal administration of a territory that would not include Bratislava (Pozsony, Pressburg) and Kosice (Kassa, Kaschau).34 On November 29 the Slovak delegates decided to continue informal discussions only with the consent of the government in Prague. One delegate, Matus Dula, chairman of the Slovak National Council, was sent to Prague to report directly on the progress of the talks and to give a more detailed explanation of the Hodza memorandum on the November 27 agreement. The Prague government rejected the Hodza report, especially the definition of Slovakia and its more or less ethnic boundary, which was deemed unacceptable for economic and security reasons.

It would seem that both sides were temporizing, attempting to gain advantage by the discussions in Budapest so that they would have a better bargaining position at the peace conference later on. As it happened, time worked for (and of course the French government favored) the Czecho-Slovak cause.

Since the Eastern Front, which reached into Hungary, was under French command and a French officer was the Allied representative in Budapest who was in charge of the execution of the armistice agreement, for all practical purposes Hungary was under French control. Therefore, when the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs approved of the military line of demarcation in northern Hungary that had been agreed upon between Foch and Benes, the Hungarian troops were required to evacuate the Slovak territory.35 The boundary drawn by Benes was delimited by the Danube river up to the mouth of the river Ipel' (Eipel) from which point it was to follow the Ipel' up to the town of Rimavska Sobota (Rimaszombat), then go

straight to the river Uz (Uh) and along its course up to the Galician boundary.36 The line resembled the one found on Masaryk's wartime sketches, for it too provided access to the Danube.

The French decision, made without securing the approval of the other Allies, was communicated to the Hungarian government by Lieutenant-Colonel Fernand Vix, French representative in Budapest. On December 3, Vix related to Hodza that the Allies recognized the Czecho-Slovak state and that the latter is entitled to occupy the Slovak territory. At the same time Vix urged the Hungarian government to recall, without delay, its troops from the Slovak territory.37 The Hungarian government, however, refused to evacuate the "Slovak land," insisting that no such territorial or administrative unit existed and, therefore, the Hungarian troops could not evacuate it. The difficulty with the communication from Paris to Vix and the latter's note to Karolyi was that it did not contain any demarcation line between Slovakia and Hungary. Therefore, Hodza hastily agreed with the Hungarian government upon a provisional line-the Danube--Lucenec--Cop.38

Acknowledging that the determination of the demarcation line was within the competence of military authorities, Hodza discussed with the Hungarian Minister of War, Albert Bartha, an agreement that was signed on December 6. For Hodza the demarcation line was provisional, while the Hungarians wanted now a definite boundary, realizing that Paris would be more accommodating to the Czechs. From the Slovak point of view the demarcation line of December 6 was highly unfavorable, since it was based on the Hodza-Jaszi agreement of the preceding month. The agreement stipulated that Hungary evacuate most of the indisputably Slovak districts, but leave the districts of southern Slovakia, including the cities of Bratislava and Kosice, inside Hungary. The Hodza-made agreement was concluded without the knowledge and approval of the Prague government and was communicated to Vix who forwarded it to Paris.39

Realizing their situation, the Hungarian government was satisfied with the agreement and demanded its acceptance as definite. But the Czecho-Slovak government rejected it as unacceptable and demanded a new and more favorable demarcation line that would be in accord with the one contained in the Benes-Foch agreement made in Paris in November. The French government's main objection to the Hodza-Bartha agreement was that the Czechs did not follow the

French policy of non-recognition when they sent a representative to Budapest to negotiate issues which only the Allies were competent to decide.40 Benes, therefore, communicated the French position to the Prague government and the latter immediately dissociated itself from Hodza's negotiations.41 He also arranged that Marshal Foch communicate to the Hungarian government the line of demarcation as they had agreed on it earlier.42 Thus, the French note of December 21, 1918, sanctioning Czech occupation of the Czech lands, contained also a description of the demarcation line between Hungary and Slovakia, noting that the Hungarians had already withdrawn behind that line. Thus the French note declared a fait accompli in the case of Slovakia's annexation to Czecho-Slovakia.43

The French acted alone, without seeking the approval of the Allies, in the matter of changing the terms of the Belgrade armistice and, by doing so, northern Hungary up to the Danube river was incorporated into Czecho-Slovakia. When the Peace Conference came to deal with the Czecho-Slovak boundary issues, the Czech delegation could claim the territory on the basis of self-determination or ethnic rights and insist that the boundary of the new state corresponds to the military demarcation line agreed between Benes and Marshal Foch in December 1918.

The information about the new demarcation line reached Slovakia shortly before Christmas. On December 24, Hodza gave the Budapest government a note saying that in view of the guidelines issued by the Commander of the Eastern Allied army, the demarcation line must be in accord with "the historical boundary of Slovakia" and that the Slovak territory has to be evacuated up to the boundary line stated by Dr. Benes in Paris toward the end of November. This boundary line was clearly defined in the note as first following the Danube, than Ipel' up to Rimavska Sobota, then in direct line to the mouth of Uh river to Latorice and then along the Uh river toward the Uz pass.44 The Hungarian government protested against this demarcation line and insisted on the line of December 6 agreement.

Since the Hungarian government was unwilling to evacuate the southern Slovak districts including the cities of Bratislava and Kosice, the Czechs used military force. With the borderlands of the Czech lands secured, the Czech troops, including those which had arrived from Italy and France and the Czech and Slovak volunteers, were directed to Slovakia. Commanded by the Italian General Luigi Piccione,

the Czecho-Slovak armed forces entered Bratislava on January 1, 1919, making it possible for the provisional Slovak government, headed by Vavro Srobar, to move into that city on February 4.45 Kosice was occupied already on December 28, and the so-called National Council of Eastern Slovakia that had proclaimed the establishment of Eastern Slovak Republic in Presov on December 14, had a very short life. The Czecho-Slovak forces completed the occupation of Slovakia in January 1919. Even the Slovak National Council was disbanded on January 20, 1919, so that there would be no other authority than the Srobar-led provisional government.46

The Hungarian government temporized, hoping to save Slovakia through promises of autonomy and expecting the peace conference to make a more favorable decision than the one made by the French government in December 1918. Yet the Entente powers supported the Czecho-Slovak claims. On March 20, 1919, Vix delivered the Hungarian government another note according to which the Conference of Ambassadors in Paris decided to make a neutral zone whose new demarcation line would go some 50-80 kilometers deeper into Hungary.47 The note was an ultimatum and the Hungarians were to comply with it within thirty hours. According to Vix, the new demarcation line was to represent also the new political boundary and left no doubt that Hungary lost Slovakia for good. The Prime Minister of Hungary declared that his government cannot accept the conditions contained in the note and, therefore, had to resign. This paved the way for the arrival of the Bela Kun government and the war that followed.

Although the Czecho-Slovak government did not want war with Hungary, the ministry of national defense issued on April 7, 1919, an order to occupy the territories assigned by the Ambassadors' Conference to Czecho-Slovakia. The army, under the command of Generals Piccione (Italian) and Hennoque (French), was to carry out the mission without bloodshed. Due to the Romanian deep penetration into Hungary, a part of the country, adjacent to the territory assigned to Czecho-Slovakia and below the demarcation line, was evacuated by the Hungarian troops. The Czecho-Slovak troops occupied this area, "since anarchy was developing there."48 In addition, Ruthenia, that was to become a part of Czecho-Slovakia, had to be occupied too. (Its attachment to Czecho-Slovakia brought about the separation of Hungary from Poland and it also linked Czecho-Slovakia with Romania.) Later a controversy developed

over the occupation of the territories below the demarcation line and General Piccione was blamed for misjudging the Hungarians' ability to fight back.

Since the Romanians secured their positions in Hungary, the Czecho-Slovak front was the "weakest link" in the "capitalistic encirclement" of the People's (Soviet) Republic of Hungary led by Bela Kun. Although a Bolshevik, he emphasized the need to recapture the lost territories, and the Hungarian nationalists supported him in this respect. The Hungarian offensive began on May 20. The Czecho-Slovaks were taken by surprise; at times their retreat became a flight, especially when they ran out of munitions and supplies. The Czecho-Slovaks overextended themselves in April and now they had to abandon one position after another. In June the Hungarians were in control of Kosice, where they were welcomed as liberators, and even threatened Bratislava. About two thirds of Slovakia came under their control; in eastern Slovakia they penetrated up to Bardiejov, thus separating the eastern Czecho-Slovak army from the western army and from the Romanian army. The aim of the Bela Kun offensive was the establishment of a junction with the Red Army in the Western Ukraine.49

After the occupation of Kosice, the short-lived Slovak Soviet Republic, headed by a Czech Bolshevik, Antonin Janousek, was proclaimed. Janousek attempted to establish contacts with the left-wing Czech Social Democrats and to gain the sympathy of the president of Czecho-Slovakia, Masaryk, but he failed on both counts. The republic collapsed when the Hungarian troops had to leave Kosice.50

The Czech defeat in May and June brought about a change in the command of the Czecho-Slovak army in Slovakia. General Piccione was succeeded by the French General Maurice Pelle who ordered reorganization of the armed units.51 With the help of volunteers and fresh troops Pelle was able to start an offensive in the Nitra area on June 7. On that day the Hungarian government received a telegram from the French Prime Minister Clemenceau, demanding immediate cease-fire lest he impose drastic measures on Hungary.52 Following Kun's conciliatory reply, Pelle' stopped the offensive. But since the Hungarians did not cease hostile actions along the whole front, Pelle' resumed the offensive. While the Czecho-Slovaks recaptured positions in western Slovakia, the Hungarians pushed toward the Polish border in an attempt to establish a junction with the Red Army. But the latter could not defeat both the Poles and the Romanians and,

therefore, was unable to render any effective assistance to the Hungarian army.53

On June 13 the Allies at the peace conference decided the definite boundary between Czecho-Slovakia and Hungary and related the decision to Hungary and all the other interested parties, emphasizing that further bloodshed will not help to obtain boundary advantage to any of the states concerned.54 Defeated on the diplomatic front and unable to win on the military fronts, the Hungarian government, eventually, accepted the Allied ultimatum. Beginning June 30, Slovakia was gradually evacuated. Soon thereafter, the regime of Bela Kun collapsed.

Early in August 1919 Romanian troops occupied Hungary and on August 21 the new Hungarian government issued a decree on national minorities according to which all Hungarian citizens, regardless of their language or ethnic background, were equal. The use of native language by anyone was protected and, in general, the decree contained almost all that the oppressed nationalities in Hungary had demanded in the past.55

Once more, before the signing of the Treaty of Trianon that had to determine definitely the boundaries of Hungary with Slovakia, the Hungarian government attempted to formulate its relations toward the nationalities which were lost. After the testimony of Cardinal Csernoch and Admiral Miklos Horthy, the Hungarian government accepted a proposal for Slovak autonomy. (It was not made public at that time.) According to this proposal, Hungary would grant the Slovak nation a broadly based autonomy that would give the latter the possibility of an unlimited cultural development and jurisdiction in all matters which did not directly concern the over-all state interests.56 Thus, the Slovak-inhabited "Upper Hungary" would be an autonomous, self-governing province consisting, in accordance with the ethnic principle, of all the predominantly Slovak and the immediately neighbouring districts. The definite boundary of Slovakia would be determined by a commission composed of Slovaks and Hungarians after the signing of the peace treaty.57 The detailed and far-reaching proposal, not published until 1929, came too late. The Peace Conference decided to attach Slovakia to Czechoslovakia.

The signing of the Treaty of Trianon on June 4, 1920 did not end the Czechoslovak-Hungarian dispute. The post-Bela Kun nationalist government of Hungary was headed first by Archduke Joseph and then by Admiral Miklos Horthy who was duly elected Regent (State

Administrator) on March 1, 1920. Law I of 1920 formally reestablished monarchical form of government and made possible for the Habsburgs to press their claim to the Hungarian throne. The Horthy government signed the Treaty of Trianon and the latter was formally ratified by the National Assembly, but the ratification was accompanied by protests against the injustice of the terms imposed on the humiliated nation. Indeed, there were Hungarian minorities in Czechoslovakia, Romania and Yugoslavia representing an irredenta. Therefore, to assure the full compliance with the Treaty of Trianon, the Czechoslovak government concluded a treaty of alliance with Yugoslavia on August 14, 1920.58

On January 27, 1921, the Czechoslovak Foreign Minister, Benes, declared that the restoration of ex-Emperor Charles or his son Archduke Joseph of the Habsburg dynasty "would be a real casus belli for several of Hungary's neighbors."59 In discussing the recent history of the Czechoslovak-Hungarian relations he pointed out that after the collapse of the Bela Kun government, when Archduke Joseph took over the government, "it was the Czechoslovak Government in particular which opposed this with the greatest resoluteness and succeeded in rendering his regime impossible." However, it was the Ambassadors' Conference that passed a resolution on February 2, 1920, against a return of the Habsburg dynasty. Among other things, the resolution specifically declared that the restoration of the Habsburgs "would be in conflict with the very basis of the peace settlement and would be neither recognized nor tolerated by them."60

These declarations notwithstanding, Charles of the House of Habsburg, the last reigning monarch in the former Empire, returned to Hungary on March 27, 1921, in order to assume his royal duties. But the Czechoslovak-Yugoslav alliance helped to frustrate the restoration coup in Budapest.61

Charles' claim to the throne was based on the assumption that his act of suspending his reign and renouncing all share in the government did not constitute a formal abdication as both Emperor of Austria and King of Hungary, since under the law of the land, the Act of Abdication, an abdication must be countersigned by the Prime Minister and ratified by both Houses of Parliament. Some leaders in Budapest seized upon the alleged invalidity of the abdication and claimed that the Treaty of Trianon itself was not valid, since Charles still was the legal King of Hungary and he neither signed it nor was he bound by it.62 When Romania joined

Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia in objecting to the restoration of the Habsburg monarch in Hungary, and the Conference of Ambassadors (that is, the Great Powers) backed up the three states, Charles had to leave Hungary. Less than three weeks after the event Czechoslovakia and Romania signed a convention of alliance. Later Romania and Yugoslavia signed a similar convention and the formal groundwork of the Little Entente was laid.63

In view of the fact that Hungarian minorities lived in Czechoslovakia, Romania and Yugoslavia, and Hungary lost territories to all three of these countries, the Little Entente's purpose was to preserve the peace settlement, especially its territorial provisions. Restoration of Habsburgs would threaten the status quo as established by the Treaty of Trianon, or, as Benes put it in an article, "the presence of any Habsburg is completely incompatible with the aims of the Little Entente, since his reappearance would mean fight, eventual decomposition and collapse of the new order and, therefore, an inevitable war of all against all."64

Shortly after the article appeared in print, Charles made a second return to Budapest in October 1921. This time Czechoslovakia declared mobilization and the Little Entente announced that strong measures would be taken against Hungary. The swift action by the Little Entente, especially the Czechoslovak mobilization, brought about a reproof from the Conference of Ambassadors.65 The Great Powers' intervention forced the ex-King to leave Hungary' the second time.

Yielding to pressures from abroad, the Hungarian National Assembly passed the Habsburg Dethronement Act on November 6, 1921.66 The action did not imply, however, the Hungarian acceptance of the dismemberment of the thousand year-old-state. Therefore, the Little Entente's avowed purpose was to preserve the peace settlement, though its existence was also justified on several other grounds.67

When Hungary agreed to adhere to the Kellogg-Briand Pact of 1928, the Little Entente leaders looked upon it as a step in the right direction and did not pay much attention to the moral reservations the Hungarian government expressed while accepting the principle of renouncing war as an instrument of national policy. In those reservations, reference was made to the injustice of the Trianon settlement for which "the reparation ... will be secured along peaceful lines."68

The Czechoslovak-Hungarian dispute, as any event that has

multiple causes, long lasting consequences and wide-ranging effects on different groups of people, may be seen and analyzed from different points of view. Leaving aside the moral, cultural and other issues involved in the case, the political aspects of the dispute may be summarized as follows: Czechoslovakia was recognized as a victorious power by the Allies and was represented at the Peace Conference, while Hungary was one of the vanquished countries to whom such representation was denied. Territorial claims of the former country were supported by France even before the peace conference dealt with the boundary question.69 Thus, Czechoslovakia was able to present itself as a state possessing all the attributes of statehood when the conference dealt with the matter. It had a recognized government able to enter into diplomatic relations with other states, it had a population and a defined territory that was under effective control of the government and, above all, it was recognized as an allied country. In contrast to it, Hungary's government was not recognized by France and it had to accept the decisions made in Paris. Rightly or wrongly, the terms of the Treaty of Trianon were justified by the victorious powers on the grounds of self-determination of the Slovaks and the economic and security needs of Czechoslovakia. Hungary's loss was Czechoslovakia's gain.69

Notes

1. The best known English language works on Slovakia are: Robert W. Seton-Watson, A History of the Czechs and Slovaks (London, 1943); Racial Problems in Hungary (London, 1908); Slovakia Then and Now (London-Prague, 1931); The New Slovakia (Prague, 1924). Also, Jozef Kirchbaum, Slovakia: Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe (New York, 1960); Jozef Lettrich, History of Modern Slovakia (New York, 1955); G. L. Oddo, Slovakia and Its People (New York, 1960); and Jozeph A. Mikus, Slovakia, A Political History: 1918-1950 (Milwaukee, 1963).

2. Frantisek Bokes, Dejiny Slovenska a Slovakov [History of Slovakia and the Slovaks] (Bratislava, 1946), p. 339.

3. In the exile documents and all the documents 0f the Paris Peace Conference Czechoslovakia's name (and that of Czecho-Slovaks) was hyphenated. When the Czechoslovak Constitution of February 29, 1920, established a unitary and centralistic state, the hyphen was deleted. In this essay the name will be used with and without the hyphen. Among the many books on the Czech and Slovak independence movement abroad one may

mention Karel Pichlik, Zahranicni odboj 1914-1918 bez legend [Resistance Abroad, 1914-1918, Without Legends] (Prague, 1968).

4. Bokes, pp. 354-55.

5. For Masaryk's own account of his activities abroad see T. G. Masaryk, The Making of a State; Memories and Observations, 1914-1918. An English version arranged and prepared with an introduction by Henry Wickham Steed (New York, 1927). The most extensive works on the independence movement at home are books by Milada Paulova, Dejiny Maffie, odboj Cechu a Jihoslovanu za svetove valky, 1914-1918 [History of the Maffie, Resistance of Czechs and Yugoslavs during the World War, 1914-1918] 2 vols. (Prague, 1937); and Tajny vybor [Maffie] a spoluprace s Jihoslovany v letech 1916-1918 [The Secret Committee [Maffie] and Collaboration with Yugoslavs during the Years 1916-1918] (Prague, 1968).

6. Karol A. Medvecky, Slovensky prevrat [Slovak Revolution], 4 vols. (Trnava, 1930-31), III, p. 347.

7. Bokes, p. 359.

8. On the end of the Empire see Oscar Jaszi, The Dissolution of the Habsburg Monarchy (Chicago, 1929); and Jan Opocensky, Konec monarchie rakousko-uherske [The End of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy] (Prague, 1928). Space limitations do not allow the citation of all relevant sources.

9. Bokes, pp. 360-61.

10. Ibid., pp. 361-62.

11. Ibid., p. 363; Medvecky, I, p. 347.

12. Text of the Declaration is in Medvecky, III, pp. 364-65.

13. Before the text was published in newspapers. Dr. Milan Hodza made a few changes in it and the original has not been preserved. See Bokes, pp. 364-65; also Mikus, pp. 9-11; Medvecky, I. p. 346.

14. Milan R. Stefanik, a French naturalized citizen and an officer in the French army, was very helpful to Masaryk as was the Czechoslovak army in Siberia. The latter strengthened the Czecho-Slovak position at the peace conference. Stefanik never returned to Slovakia alive; he died when the plane that departed from Rome, carrying him and several Italian officers, crashed near Bratislava on May 4, 1919. See Medvecky, I. pp. 90-104; also Bokes, p. 365.

15. Bokes, pp. 368-69.

16. Ibid., p. 369.

17. Ibid.

18. Ibid.

19. Ibid.

20. Ibid., pp. 370-71.

21. Ibid., p. 371.

22. Many Slovaks had their own understanding of the word "freedom"

and behaved accordingly. Medvecky gives countless examples of looting of Jewish stores and inns. Most of the well-to-do Jews in Slovakia were identified with the Hungarian ruling class and were victimized during the revolutionary time. See Medvecky, III, pp. 3-186.

23. Military Convention Between the Allies and Hungary, signed at Belgrade, November 13, 1918, Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States (FRUS), PPC, 1919 II (Washington, 1942), pp. 183-85, Also Bohdan Krizman, "The Belgrade Armistice 13 November 1918," The Slavic and East European Review (48, 1970), pp. 67-87. Text of the document is in ibid., pp. 85-87.

24. Karel Kramar, Reci a projevy [Speeches and Statements]. Edited by Frantisek Stasek and J. R. Marek. (Prague, 1935), pp. 22-26; also Vladimir Sis, ed., Dr. Karel Kramar. Zivot-dilo-prace. Vudce naroda [Dr. Karel Kramar. Life-Work-Labor. Leader of the Nation] (Prague, 1936), pp. 203-204.

25. Eduard Benes, ed., Svetova valka a nase revoluce, Dokumenty [The World War and Our Revolution, Documents] III (Prague, 1929), p. 509.

26. The Czecho-Slovak army in France was established by a French government decree in December 1917 and the Czecho-Slovak army in Russia, consisting largely of former prisoners of war, was ordered to join the army in France by Masaryk in February 1918. The French government granted Masaryk credits for maintaining and transferring the army from Russia to France. The latter never arrived in France, because in May 1918 it got involved in a conflict with the Bolsheviks. After it occupied the Trans-Siberian Railroad and began to move westward into the Volga region, the Allies recognized the Czecho-Slovak National Council. Similarly as the British recognition of August 8, the United States recognition of September 3, 1918, was based on belligerency of the Czecho-Slovak armies in Russia, Italy and France. By a secret agreement of September 28, 1918. the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Paris gave the French government "the cooperation of its armies for the pursuit of the present war," and the French government made a commitment to support the Council in its efforts to reconstitute an independent Czecho-Slovak state "with borders of its former historical lands," and accorded "to the Czechoslovak nation the right to be represented at the inter-Allied conferences, where questions concerning the interests of Czecho-Slovaks will be discussed," The complete document is in Karel Kramar, Reci a projevy, pp. 89-92.

27. Benes, III, pp. 496-98.

28. Vladimir Sojak. ed., O ceskoslovenske zahranicni politice v letech 1918-1939 [On Czechoslovak Foreign Policy during the Years 1918-1939] (Prague, 1956), p. 43.

29. The armistice document is in Harry Rudolph Rudin, Armistice, 1918 (New Haven, 1944), pp. 406-409. See also Supreme War Council, Resolutions,

VIII Session, Fourth Meeting, November 4, 1918, Bliss Papers.

30. Bokes, p. 371.

31. The Czechs had a conflict with the Poles over the Teschen territory; this tied down a considerable number of their troops in the area.

32. See 26 above.

33. Bokes, pp. 372-73.

34. Ibid., pp. 374-76.

35. Eduard Benes, Svetova valka a nase revoluce II [World War and Our Revolution] 2 vols. (Prague, 1927-1928), pp. 484-55.

36. Ibid., p. 501.

37. D. Perman, The Shaping of the Czechoslovak State; Diplomatic History of the Boundaries of Czechoslovakia, 1914-1920 (Leiden, 1962), pp. 92-93.

38. Bokes, p. 375,

39. Perman, p. 93; Bokes, pp. 375-76.

40. Benes, II, pp. 493-94,

41. Benes, III, pp. 534-35; Benes, II, pp. 495-96

42. Benes, II, p. 497; Perman, p. 94.

43. Perman, p. 94.

44. Bokes, p. 376.

45. Ibid., p. 380.

46. Ibid., p. 378.

47. Ibid., p. 382. For details see Peter Pastor, "The Vix Mission in Hungary, 1918-1919: A Re-examination." Slavic Review (Vol. 29, No.3, September 1970), pp. 494-97.

48. Bokes, p. 383; Perman, p. 221.

49. Bokes, p. 384. Also V, Kholodkovsky, "Toward the Lenin Centenary: Socialist Community--A Retrospect," New Times, no. 30, July 30, 1969.

50. On the Slovak Soviet Republic see Martin Vietor, Slovenska sovietska republika v r. 1919 [The Slovak Soviet Republic in 1919] (Bratislava, 1955); V, Semyonov, "An Historian Looks Back: The Slovak Republic of Soviets," New Times, no. 25, June 25, 1969; chapter two in Josef Kalvoda, Czechoslovakia's Role in Soviet Strategy (Washington, D.C., 1978), pp. 21-31.

51. Bokes, p. 384.

52. Ibid.

53. Ibid.

54. Ibid.,, pp. 384-85; Perman, pp. 225-26.

55. Bokes, p. 385.

56. Ibid.

57. Ibid., p. 385-87.

58. Eduard Benes, Problemy nove Evropy a zahranicni politika ceskoslovenska, Projevy a uvahy z r, 1919-1924 [Problems of New Europe

and Czechoslovak Foreign Policy. Statements and Thoughts from Years 1919-1924] (Prague, 1924), pp. 83-90.

59. Ibid., p. 114. The whole speech of January 27, 1921. was published in English. See The Foreign Policy of Czechoslovakia, Speech of Dr. F. Benes, Minister of Foreign Affairs, in the House of Deputies, January 27, 1921. (Prague, 1921), esp. p. 19.

60. Ibid., in Czech, pp. 114-15; in English, p. 20.

61. John O. Crane, The Little Entente (New York, 1931), pp. 9-10.

62. Ibid., p. 6.

63. Ibid., p. 10

64. The article appeared in the September 1921 issue of Revue de Geneve, no.1; its Czech translation is in Benes", Problemy nove Evropy, pp. 131-40.

65. Crane, pp. 11-12.

66. Ibid., p. 18. The text of the act is on p. 213 (Appendix D).

67. Benes, Problemy nove Evropy. pp. 83-90.

68. Crane, p. 38.

69. The peace conference rejected the Czecho-Slovak claims to Lusatia and the Czechoslovak-Yugoslav corridor that would separate Hungary from Austria. The formation of the corridor was strenuously opposed by the Italian delegation and except France, none of the Allies favored this claim. A complete set of the Czecho-Slovak memoranda presented at the peace conference is in the Hoover War Library, Stanford, California.


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British Role in Assingning Csallóköz
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- Aláírásgyűjtés az autonómiáért
- A szlovák alkotmány nem tiltja az autonómiát
- A felvidéki magyarok történelme
- Csehszlovákiai kisebbségi szerződés
- Beneš-dekrétumok
- Szlovákiai nyelvtörvény
- Polgártársaim, barátaim
- Múlt, jelen, jövő
- Szlovákok igazi történelme
- Dálesz
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- Erdély és Székelyföld autonómiája
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- A KÁRPÁTALJAI MAGYAR AUTONÓMIA
- Horvátország, Szlovénia,
Ausztria hírek

-

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- Saját írásaink
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Egyetemes Nyilatkozata

- A modern szabadságjogok
- Kirándulások a Zsitva folyócska
mentén

- Mátyusföld és Csallóköz,
Dunamenti-síkság
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- Gondolatok


Történelmi párhuzam
- 2009.03.05.

Stefan Marko Daxner: "Magyarország számunkra csak annyiban létezik, amennyiben benne elismerést nyerünk." (1861)
most mi is megfogalmazzuk ugyanezt
Bósza János: "Szlovákia számunkra csak annyiban létezik, amennyiben benne elismerést nyerünk. (2009)"


Az önrendelkezésről
- 2009.03.05.

Aki esetleg mégis úgy gondolná, mi köze mindehhez, annak ajánlanám szíves figyelmébe Martin Niemüller, a német protestáns lelkipásztor gondolatait.
"Amikor elvitték a kommunistákat, én hallgattam, mert nem voltam kommunista. Amikor elvitték a szociáldemokratákat és a szakszervezeti embereket, én hallgattam, mert sem szociáldemokrata, sem szakszervezeti ember nem voltam. Amikor eljöttek és elvitték a zsidókat, én hallgattam, mert nem voltam zsidó. És amikor eljöttek és elvittek engem, már nem maradt senki, aki szólhatott volna értem."


Vígh Károly
- 2009.03.05.

„Magyarországon és máshol is (Szlovákiában is- a szerk. megj.) láttuk és megéltük, hogy a történelmi traumák és frusztrációk önsajnálatból történõ ápolása a nemzetekbõl a legrosszabb erõket szabadítja fel, amelyek csak a katasztrófát ismerik, és csak ebbõl táplálkoznak. Miért nem vagyunk képesek valami újat, reménytelibbet kezdeni?- kérdezi Churchill…”

Az élet
- 2009.03.02.

Az élet egy nagy cirkusz, ahol tanár a bohóc és nebuló a közönség.

Cikkajánló:
- 2009.03.01.

Slota sértegethet minket, klikk a képre





Autonómia terv. klikk a Commora képre
- 2006.09.01.








Szavazás a Commora Aula honlapról
- 2006.12.08.

Szavazás!

Indult 2006.11.10-én
- 2006.11.11.

Felmérés
Kell-e nekünk az autonómia

Igen minél hamarabb
Igen, de majd később
Igen, ha a szlovákok is akarják
nem tudom
Nem, mert úgyse lehet
Nem, mert rossz az időzítés
Nem, mert nincs rá szükség


Véletlen link.



Kukac.sk link felvidéki magyar fórum
- 2007.12.15.









Rovásírás
- 2007.06.09.





Újévi mondóka
- 2008.01.01.

Adja a Teremtő, hogy -
Minden rügyed megfakadjon!
Minden magod kihajthasson!
Minden dalod szívből jöjjön!
Minden napod tündököljön!
Minden szájat etethessél!
Minden élőt szerethessél!
Minden mi él üdvözöljön!
Minden álmod teljesüljön!
Minden bánat odébbálljon!
Minden csoda megtaláljon!
Minden napod egészségben,
Minden perced békességben
Teljen, az új esztendőben!
Úgy legyen!
Varga Ibolya


Lao Ce
- 2008.01.24.

Egy bölcs hadvezér azt mondotta:
"Mint a vendég, nem mint a gazda:
nem vonulok hüvelyknyit előre,
inkább egy lábnyit vissza."
Ez a tétlen cselekvés,
az erőszak nélküli siker,
az ellenség nélküli háború,
a fegyvertelen győzelem.
Harcban az ellenség ócsárlása
megsérti az út-at;
ha két hadsereg összecsap,
a kíméletesebb győzelmet arat.


Szlovák-magyar barátság
- 2009.03.14.

LONG LIVE

Szózat
- 2009.03.14.

LINK KLIKK: Szózat
Szózat ének


Vörösmarty Mihály Szózat
- 2009.03.14.

Hazádnak rendületlenül
Légy híve, oh magyar;
Bölcsőd az s majdan sírod is,
Mely ápol s eltakar.

A nagy világon e kívül
Nincsen számodra hely;
Áldjon vagy verjen sors keze:
Itt élned, halnod kell.

Ez a föld, melyen annyiszor
Apáid vére folyt;
Ez, melyhez minden szent nevet
Egy ezredév csatolt.

Itt küzdtenek honért a hős
Árpádnak hadai;
Itt törtek össze rabigát
Hunyadnak karjai.

Szabadság! itten hordozák
Véres zászlóidat,
S elhulltanak legjobbjaink
A hosszú harc alatt.

És annyi balszerencse közt,
Oly sok viszály után,
Megfogyva bár, de törve nem,
Él nemzet e hazán.

S népek hazája, nagy világ!
Hozzád bátran kiált:
"Egy ezredévi szenvedés
Kér éltet vagy halált!"

Az nem lehet, hogy annyi szív
Hiába onta vért,
S keservben annyi hű kebel
Szakadt meg a honért.

Az nem lehet, hogy ész, erő,
És oly szent akarat
Hiába sorvadozzanak
Egy átoksúly alatt.

Még jőni kell, még jőni fog
Egy jobb kor, mely után
Buzgó imádság epedez
Százezrek ajakán.

Vagy jőni fog, ha jőni kell,
A nagyszerű halál,
Hol a temetkezés fölött
Egy ország vérben áll.

S a sírt, hol nemzet sülyed el,
Népek veszik körul,
S az emberek millióinak
Szemében gyászköny ül.

Légy híve rendületlenül
Hazádnak, oh magyar:
Ez éltetőd, s ha elbukál,
Hantjával ez takar.

A nagy világon e kívül
Nincsen számodra hely;
Áldjon vagy verjen sors keze:
Itt élned, halnod kell.


Hun imádság
- 2009.03.14.

Kr.u. 410-460-ban keletkezett. Hun ezüstveretes szíjvégen rovásírással írva, a Kijevi Nemzeti Múzeumban van. A kijevi múzeumban őrzött hun övvereten, szíjvégen levő rovásírásos ima gyönyörű.

HUN IMÁDSÁG

MIATYÁNK ISTENÜNK
BENNÜNK VAN ORSZÁGOD.
ELŐTTÜNK SZENT NEVED
TÖRVÉNY AKARATOD.

MINDENNAPUNK GONDJÁT,
MAGADON VISELED.
BŰNEINKET MINT MÁSNAK,
NEKÜNK ELENGEDED.

TE KEZED VEZET
KÍSÉRTÉSEKEN ÁT,
S LEFEJTED RÓLUNK
GONOSZ JÁRMÁT.

TIÉD A NAGYVILÁG
ÖSSZES HATALMA, ÜDVE,
MINDÖRÖKTŐL KEZDVE,
LEGYEN MINDÖRÖKRE.


Petõfi Sándor: A szájhõsök
- 2009.03.17.

Meddig tart ez őrült hangzavar még?
Meddig bőgtök még a hon nevében?
Kinek a hon mindig ajkain van,
Nincsen annak, soha sincs szivében!
Mit használtok kofanyelvetekkel?
Évrül-évre folyvást tart a zaj,
És nem ott-e, ahol volt, a nemzet?
Nincs-e még meg minden régi baj?


Tenni, tenni! a helyett, hogy szóval
Az időt így elharácsoljátok;
Várva néz rég s oly hiába néz az
Isten napja s a világ reátok.
Nyujtsátok ki tettre a kezet már
S áldozatra zsebeiteket,
Tápláljátok végre a hazát, ki
Oly sokáig táplált titeket.



Áldozat s tett, ez a két tükör, mely
A valódi honfiút mutatja,
De ti gyáva s önző szívek vagytok,
Tettre gyávák s önzők áldozatra.
Hiszem én, hogy mint a fák tavasszal,
Megifjodnak a vén nemzetek,
De ti hernyók új lombot nem adtok,
Sőt a régit is leeszitek.



S oh mi vakság! fölemelte még a
Népszerűség őket paizsára,
Az elámult sokaság, miképen
Megváltóit, karjaiba zárja.
Megváltók? ők a hon eladói,
Elveszünk ez ordítók miatt...
Rólok tudja ellenünk, hogy félünk,
Mert a félénk eb mindég ugat.



Én ugyan nem állok a sereghez,
Mely kiséri őket ujjongatva,
És ha egykor közibök vetődöm,
Nem egyébért lépek e csapatba,
Csak azért, hogy fölfordítsam majd ez
Ál nagyok győzelmi szekerét,
S haragomnak ostorával vágjam
Arcaikra a bitó jelét!

Petőfi Sándor


Soviniszta
- 2009.03.26.

Illyés Gyula szerint patrióta az, aki jogot véd, soviniszta az, aki jogot sért.

Táncsics Mihály:
- 2009.03.30.

Az egyenlő szabadság
és az egyenlő jogok teszik
a forrást, melybül
mindenki egyaránt
meríthet jólétet,
bolgogságot, áldást.


József Attila
- 2009.04.03.

«az igazat mondd, ne csak a valódit,
a fényt, amelytől világlik agyunk,
hisz egymás nélkül sötétségben vagyunk.»
(József Attila)


A harc, melynek nincs győztese
- 2009.05.18.

Miért ne-ken

Nyelvlecke
- 2009.05.18.

Gyimóthy Gábor: Nyelvlecke

2009.3.11
Gyimóthy Gábor: Nyelvlecke

Egyik olaszóra során,
Ím a kérdés felmerült:
Hogy milyen nyelv ez a magyar,
Evrópába hogy került?

Elmeséltem, ahogy tudtam,
Mire képes a magyar.
Elmondtam, hogy sok, sok rag van,
S hogy némelyik mit takar,

És a szókincsben mi rejlik,
A rengeteg árnyalat,
Példaként vegyük csak itt:
Ember, állat hogy halad?

Elmondtam, hogy mikor járunk,
Mikor mondom, hogy megyek.
Részeg, hogy dülöngél nálunk,
S milyen, ha csak lépdelek.

Miért mondom, hogybotorkál
Gyalogol, vagy kódorog,
S a sétáló szerelmes pár,
Miért éppen andalog?

A vaddisznó, hogy ha rohan,
Nem üget, de csörtet - és
Bár alakra majdnem olyan
Miért más a törtetés?

Mondtam volna még azt is hát,
Aki fut, mért nem lohol?
Miért nem vág, ki mezőn átvág,
De tán vágtat valahol.

Aki tipeg, mért nem libeg,
S ez épp úgy nem lebegés, --
Minthogy nem csak sánta biceg,
S hebegés nem rebegés!

Mit tesz a ló, ha poroszkál,
Vagy pedig, ha vágtázik?
És a kuvasz, ha somfordál,
Avagy akár bóklászik.

Lábát szedi, aki kitér,
A riadt őz elszökell.
Nem ront be az, aki betér . . .
Más nyelven, hogy mondjam el?

Jó lett volna szemléltetni,
Botladozó, mint halad,
Avagy milyen őgyelegni?
Egy szó - egy kép - egy zamat!

Aki "slattyog", mért nem "lófrál"?
Száguldó hová szalad?
Ki vánszorog, mért nem kószál?
S aki kullog, hol marad?

Bandukoló mért nem baktat?
És ha motyog, mit kotyog,
Aki koslat, avagy kaptat,
Avagy császkál és totyog?

Nem csak árnyék, aki suhan,
S nem csak a jármű robog,
Nem csak az áradat rohan,
S nem csak a kocsi kocog.

Aki cselleng, nem csatangol,
Ki "beslisszol", elinal,
Nem "battyog" az, ki bitangol,
Ha mégis: a mese csal!

Hogy a kutya lopakodik,
Sompolyog, majd meglapul,
S ha ráförmedsz, elkotródik.
Hogy mondjam ezt olaszul?

Másik, erre settenkedik,
Sündörög, majd elterül.
Ráripakodsz, elódalog,
Hogy mondjam ezt németül?

Egy csavargó itt kóborol,
Lézeng, ődöng, csavarog,
Lődörög, majd elvándorol,
S többé már nem zavarog.

Ám egy másik itt tekereg,
-- Elárulja kósza nesz -
Itt kóvályog, itt ténfereg. . .
Franciául, hogy van ez?

S hogy a tömeg mért özönlik,
Mikor tódul, vagy vonul,
Vagy hömpölyög, s mégsem ömlik,
Hogy mondjam ezt angolul?

Aki surran, miért nem oson,
Vagy miért nem lépeget?
Mindezt csak magyarul tudom,
S tán csak magyarul lehet. . .!



A magyar nyelv szépségeiről sokat lehetne beszélni, hiszen nem csak Európában számít egyedülállónak. Az angolok például már nem értik Shakespeare 1600-as évek körül íródott műveit, azok eredeti nyelvezetét "óangolnak" nevezik. Érdekes belegondolni, hogy az azóta eltelt majd' 400 évben mennyit változott a nyelvük. Velük ellentétben azonban mi, magyarok a mai napig megértjük pl. az Ómagyar Mária Siralom 1300as évekre datált hangzását.
...és, hogy mit mondanak a külföldiek a magyar nyelvről? Néhány idézet:

Grimm Jakab meseíró (XIX. század), aki egyben az első német tudományos nyelvtan megalkotója is: "a magyar nyelv logikus és tökéletes felépítése felülmúl minden más nyelvet".

N. Erbersberg bécsi tudós (XIX. század): "Olyan a magyar nyelv szerkezete, mintha nyelvészek gyülekezete alkotta volna, hogy meglegyen benne minden szabályosság, tömörség, összhang és világosság."

George Bernard Shaw drámaíró (az amerikai CBC-nek adott interjújában sokkal bővebben kifejtve) mondta: "Bátran kijelenthetem, hogy miután évekig tanulmányoztam a magyar nyelvet, meggyőződésemmé vált: ha a magyar lett volna az anyanyelvem, az életművem sokkal értékesebb lehetett volna. Egyszerűen azért, mert ezen a különös, ősi erőtől duzzadó nyelven sokszorta pontosabban lehet leírni a parányi különbségeket, az ér zelmek titkos rezdüléseit."

Grover S. Krantz amerikai kutató: "A magyar nyelv ősisége Magyarországon /.../ meglepő: úgy találom, hogy átmeneti kőkori nyelv, megelőzte az újkőkor kezdetét /.../ az összes helyben maradó nyelv közül a magyar a legrégebbi."

Ove Berglund svéd orvos és műfordító: "Ma már, hogy van fogalmam a nyelv struktúrájáról, az a véleményem: a magyar nyelv az emberi logika csúcsterméke." (Magyar Nemzet 2003. XII. 2. 5. o.)

Teller Ede atomfizikus halála előtt pár évvel ezt mondta Pakson: "...Új jeles felfedezésem, miszerint egy nyelv van, s az a magyar." (Mai Nap, Budapest, 1991. 9.)
Nem különös-e, hogy a magyar tudomány minden erőt bevetve igyekszik lefokozni a magyar nyelvet, ám a külföldi szakvélemények ennek az ellenkezőjét hangsúlyozzák: nyelvünk egyedülálló nagyszerűségét, ősiségét, mi több, van ki a magyar nyelv Kárpát-medence-i ősi volta mellett is kiáll.
A genetikai eredményekből már tudjuk: teljes joggal.)

De ne csak a nyelvünket, hanem annak teremtő erejére vonatkozó véleményekre is figyeljünk:

Isaac Asimov scifi író: "Az a szóbeszéd járja Amerikában, hogy két intelligens faj létezik a földön: emberek és magyarok."

Enrico Fermi olasz atomfizikustól mikor megkérdezték, hogy hisz-e az űrlakókban, azt válaszolta: "Már itt vannak, magyaroknak nevezik őket!"

A magyar anyanyelvű nagy matematikusok is többször vallották: hja, magyar anyanyelvvel könnyű nagy matematikusnak lenni.
/VARGA CSABA : Mire lehet büszke a magyar (részlet)/
És ami mosolyt csalhat az arcotokra: Gyimóthy Gábor (Firenze 1984. X. 12.) Nyelvlecke című írása. Figyeljétek meg, hogy a mozgást kifejező igére hányféle szinonimát használ! Már kétszer is nekiugrottam, hogy átszámoljam, de egyszer 63 jött ki, másszor meg 81 - de talán a számok annyira nem is lényegesek, mint a magyar nyelv gazdagságának ténye. Talán nincs is a földön még egy ilyen nyelv, mint a mienk! Szerintem joggal lehetünk büszkék rá.
Forrás: Transylvania, 40 évf. 2. szám.
beküldő: olvasó



Ez a honlap a Commora Aula magántulajdona